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So, the debate centers on the obligation of industrialized states - due to '''historical responsibility''' - and international organizations to provide development assistance to developing countries and to invest in energy proportionate to what they emit and use. On the one hand and being mainly responsible historically for emitting the most GHGs we have "the West". Even though the '''EU and the United States of America''' are often seen as '''“the West”''' and in many levels share a set of common values and ideas, when it comes to climate justice, their ideas and policies vary widely. With the USA being the second largest GHG’s emitter - In 2015, U.S. greenhouse gas emissions totaled 6,587 million metric tons of carbon dioxide equivalents – and with Trump's very well-known '''support of the fossil fuel industry''' and the recent drop out of the Paris Agreement, the '''USA environmental policy''' could severely weaken the chances of mitigating climate change.
On the other hand we have the developing countries. Developing countries '''lack the resources''' to address this new environmental and social threat that is climate change. Least developed countries are especially vulnerable, since their budget is stretched to meet basic needs, such as access to food, water, and housing.  The current controversy also focuses on the process of globalization, including the right and possibility of equal participation of developing countries in that process, and its relation to human rights. A number of big emitting emerging economies are unwilling to sign up to a condition that they feel can hamper their economic growth and development. However, '''the climate change fight is difficult if only developed countries reduce their emissions'''. Developing countries, especially the most advanced ones, need to take a part too. For example, the four largest developing nations - '''Brazil, Russia, India and China''' (also called the '''BRIC’s''') - with a combined population of 3 billion people, will have a huge impact on the future of climate change. Also, among the '''southern countries''' we see sigificant differences when it comes to targeting climate change. For instance, the '''priorities''' of the Alliance of Small Island States are taking a different path to that of most of the least developed countries because they are most at risk of being affected by the rising sea levels. They demonstrated progressive initiative in striving for legally-binding emissions reduction targets and financing whereas the majority of '''least developed countries''' has been stuck in a rhetoric of '''mistrust and historical responsibility''' at the expense of negative-sum results.
[[File:Climateimpacts.jpg|thumb|Climate Change Impact in 2050]]
Furthermore, the The UN has recognised the category of '''environmental and climate refugees'''. In 2009, 36 million people were displaced by natural disasters. This number is predicted to rise to at least 50 million by 2050. In spite of that, environmental refugees are not protected by international law or asylum systems. The criteria by which refugees are classified defines a refugee as a person who, owing to a well-founded fear of persecution on the basis “of race religion, nationality,” or “membership of a particular social or political group,” has fled his or her homeland. For this reason, climate refugees are generally denied protection under the existing international framework.<ref>"Climate Refugees: Exposing the Protection Gap in International Law", retrieved from: http://climate.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/08/Kamali-Climate-Refugees.pdf</ref> This criteria is based on the [http://www.unhcr.org/1951-refugee-convention.html 1951 Refugee Convention] and thus international action towards broadening the scope of the term "refugee" seems like a logical solution to the protection gap. Developing countries '''lack the resources''' to address this new environmental and social threat that is climate change. Least developed countries are especially vulnerable, since their budget is stretched to meet basic needs, such as access to food, water, and housing. Also among the '''southern countries''' we see sigificant differences when it comes to targeting climate change. For instance, the '''priorities''' of the Alliance of Small Island States are taking a different path to that of most of the least developed countries because they are most at risk of being affected by the rising sea levels. They demonstrated progressive initiative in striving for legally-binding emissions reduction targets and financing whereas the majority of '''least developed countries''' has been stuck in a rhetoric of '''mistrust and historical responsibility''' at the expense of negative-sum results.
'''Evaluating the effectiveness of international cooperation in addressing climate change is a complex undertaking.''' From the one perspective, the fact that countries are implementing major international treaties on the topic on a gobal scale would suggest that they have sought to cooperate. From another point of view, however, as soon as the cooperation requires effective '''solutions to the climate change problem''', it could be regarded as a failure of countries to effectively cooperate the fact that the both the predictions and the actual consequences of climate change are increasing in intensity.
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